Essay 07· 14 min read· Updated 2 June 2026
The Wrong Kind of Victim
The criminal justice system has a category for victims. It is not a neutral category. Who gets seen as a victim, who doesn't, and what happens in the gap.
When a person who has experienced crime does not match the system's assumptions about victims, the system struggles to process them correctly. The failure is not always malicious. It is often structural. It is the product of templates applied where evidence should be examined.
- Credibility
- Criminology
Each factor, individually, creates a credibility gap. Together, they create a chasm. This piece maps the templates: the ideal-victim assumption, the ideal-offender assumption, digital competence, trauma responses, mental health, economic vulnerability, and perpetrator social capital.
The ideal victim
Nils Christie's 1986 concept of the ideal victim, weak, blameless, unconnected to the offender, entirely passive, remains the foundational framework. Research consistently shows that victims who fit the profile receive more sympathetic responses than those who do not. Brenik et al (2025) found that the need for police intervention was rated highest in cases involving a male offender and a female victim, and lowest where the genders were reversed.
The ideal offender
Christie's framework has a mirror. If the ideal victim is weak, passive and helpless, the ideal offender is threatening, chaotic and socially marginal. A perpetrator who does not fit that profile benefits from a parallel assumption. Sheridan et al (2001), the first UK stalking victim survey, found that stalkers had higher socio-economic status than most other criminals. The default offender profile does not fit the reality of who stalks people.
“When a victim does not fit the victim template and a perpetrator does not fit the offender template, the system defaults to the presentation it can most easily process.”
What digital competence does to victim status
The system expects a victim of cyberstalking to be passive, distressed, and technically helpless. What it encounters instead, in many cases, is someone who has documented everything: preserved screenshots, tracked accounts, cross-referenced IP data, and submitted detailed evidence packages. Someone who understands the technical dimensions of their case better than the officer taking their statement.
Short et al (2026) studied 53 cyberstalking victims whose police investigations were closed. Three themes emerged: delayed reporting due to anticipated disbelief; complaints dismissed or undermined when made; victims actively contributing evidence but feeling unsupported when police failed to follow up. The behaviours a victim adopts to survive and document their experience, meticulous record keeping, technical analysis, persistent reporting, are the same behaviours that, when misread, look like obsession, sophistication, or coercion.
Trauma responses: misread and weaponised
Trauma produces responses that the system reads as evidence against the victim. Inconsistency in accounts. Delayed reporting. Continued contact with the perpetrator. Emotional flatness when describing what happened. Apparent overreaction to minor triggers. Every one of these is also, in the hands of a perpetrator who understands how the system works, a line of attack on the victim's credibility.
Barlow and Walklate (2025) examined misidentification of victim and perpetrator in policing responses to coercive and controlling behaviour. Their five factors, manipulation, misidentification, miscommunication, misunderstanding, and minimisation, document precisely how perpetrators use the criminal justice process against their victims and how the system fails to detect it.